INFORMATION LEAFLET NO. 22
   
   

 Detention in Europe
Take Action Against the Imprisonment of Refugees!


Refugees and asylum seekers have the right to live in freedom like all other people in the world. But many states imprison them as if they were criminals. The public opinion does not take any notice of the fate of refugees who are in prison and there is almost no lobby to defend their rights. This leaflet aims to change this hopeless situation.

We want to inform you about the situation of refugees in deportation camps and motivate a wider public to take action against the imprisonment of refugees. In this leaflet we report about groups, who are active in this area and their work. This report is not complete, but it gives examples for the situation in some countries. It is a collection of texts written by several people, who have described their direct observations. There are more groups who are active in this field than just those mentioned in this leaflet. But we hope that their example will motivate many other people to do something against the imprisonment of refugees and to support refugees who are in prison.

 


CONTENTS

1. DETENTION IN WESTERN EUROPE

1.1. DETENTION IN GERMANY

1.2. DEATH IN A DEPORTATION CAMP

1.3. DETENTION IN GREAT-BRITAIN

2. DETENTION IN EASTERN EUROPE

2.1. DETENTION IN POLAND

2.2. DETENTION IN CZECH REPUBLIC

3. FIELDS OF ACTION

3.1. GLASMOOR-GROUP HAMBURG

3.2. GROUPS OF VOLUNTEER-VISITORS IN LEIPZIG

4. WHAT YOU CAN DO


1. DETENTION IN WESTERN EUROPE

As a consequence of the rising numbers of migrants in the last years, the European Union has become much stricter in dealing with foreign citizens. In many countries new laws passed. The aim of these new laws is to control and prevent immigration. The practice of imprisonment for reasons which don't have anything to do with legal punishment has been extended. There are no common standards laid down for the imprisonment of deportees inside the EU. Accordingly, there is no restriction as far as the duration of imprisonment is concerned in countries like Denmark, Finland, Greece, Great-Britain, The Netherlands and Sweden, whereas in France the maximum is twelve days.


1.1. DETENTION IN GERMANY

"I was imprisoned by the office in charge of foreigners in Hamburg at 7 am. The following day I was taken to the former concentration camp Norderstedt, which today is called Glasmoor and is a "Abschiebe-gefängnis", i.e. "prison for deportees". The past is repeated here. People, who are not welcome according to the law, are deported from this place. What was our crime, that we are not welcome from the start? I felt to be at the mercy of people surrounding me and every single one of them wanted me to leave the country and this was their personal opinion. Was I allowed to express another opinion? I don't think so."

Former deportee from Glasmoor

Everyday life in the prisons for deportees is inhuman. Generally there is no or insufficient medical and psychological support, no possibility to get legal advice and there are many restrictions where contact with people outside the prison and visits to the prison are concerned.

"It is difficult to endure the days in prison. I have seen many people who didn't do anything but sit around or just sleep the whole day long. Maybe other people thought the same of me. Some of us were given medicine every day. After two month they also gave me a tablet after the meal, but I didn't take it, because I had not asked for it. Shortly afterwards I was forced to swallow the tablet while being under supervision. Afterwards I felt very strange. I was not myself anymore. I felt dazed like if I had taken drugs. I believe that some of us felt so miserable all day long because of these tablets."

Former deportee from Glasmoor

Rarely a case dealing with the conditions in the deportation camps is heard in court. The case of bodily injury inflicted by a judicial offer in Glasmoor is therefore an exception. The Algerian Emene K. had been thrown against the door post of a gate by a jailer, which caused him to suffer a fracture of his cheekbone, abrasions, bruises and his tongue was torn. One year later the case was brought to court. The accused stated, that things worse than this had happened before. He claimed that he normally needed to use direct force when working with the prisoners three or for times a month. He stated that Emene K. had tried to free himself from the jailer's grip and in doing so crashed into the gate. Emene K. said that he had been knocked down more than once and that the jailer used his fists. But his account was not even taken seriously. The jailer was acquitted following the principle, to decide in favour of the accused if there are any reasonable doubts of his guilt. It is planned that he shall continue his work in Glasmoor. For Emene K. there is the threat that he will end up in deportation camp again.

Most of the deportees don't understand the complicated legal proceedings they have to go through, which are based on special laws created for asylum-seekers and foreigners. And they don't have a clear understanding of why they are in prison. Therefore it doesn't make any sense to them, that they are imprisoned and even worse: They don't know how long they will be detained and also have to fear, that they may be deported to a possibly dangerous home-country or to another country, which is completely unknown to them. That is why the imprisonment is so unbearable. Boredom, fear, depression, impatience, desperation, aggression, nervous breakdowns, suicide - all of this is reality in the prisons for deportees in the Federal Republic of Germany.


1.2. DEATH IN A DEPORTATION CAMP

Rachid Sbaai played football during yard exercise on 27 August 1999. While doing so he was involved in foul play. As a consequence of that he was punished three days afterwards and sent into solitary detention for fourteen days. He managed to take a lighter with him to the detention cell. To draw attention to his situation he set fire to his mattress. The fire got out of control. Sbaai started to shout and pushed the alarm button. His shouts were heard by one of his friends and he also pushed the alarm button. Despite of this he had to witness that the shouts of Sbaai turned to silence after about 15 minutes. There was nobody in the central control office, where both of the alarm signals should have been registered. Sbaai died from fume poisoning.

1.3. DETENTION IN GREAT-BRITAIN

At the same time as it produced the 1998 White Paper, the government of Great-Britain also initiated a major review of existing facilities within the immigration and prison services, with the express aim of identifying new sites in which to detain asylum seekers arriving at UK ports and airports. Having created a new asylum detention centre at a former military barracks in Oakington in which to hold 400 asylum seekers including, for the first time, women and children, whose applications for asylum would be fast-tracked; having transformed Aldington prison, near Ashford, into a special detention centre for asylum seekers; having commandeered a wing of South Yorkshire's Lindholme prison for the same purpose, the Home Office was, by January 2001, ready to set specific targets for detention and removal. It announced that it would double the number of asylum seekers and immigrants it detains and more than double the numbers it removes from the country.

The influence of the EU on British policies and vice versa
What lies behind this extraordinary attempt to create a separate prison regime for the ever-increasing number of asylum seekers detained at the point of arrival in the UK? How, indeed, can democratic European states justify imprisoning individuals who have not been tried before a court for a specific criminal offence but are targeted by the state and committed to prison on suspicion alone?

In fact, the imprisonment of asylum seekers in this way is not new. Part of the New Labour government's justification for the creation of a factory-style system for the detention and removal of asylum seekers was the mess left by the previous Conservative administration. Despite the Conservatives' current call for the mandatory detention of all those who apply for asylum in the UK, they presided over chaotic detention arrangements which developed ad hoc and piecemeal. While there were small detention centres near airports and, by 1993, a new purpose-built high-security immigration and detention centre at Campsfield House, Oxford, the vast majority of an ever-increasing population of immigration detainees were held in existing prisons, often for extremely long periods of time. Both within Campsfield House and ordinary prisons, asylum seekers were denied the right to any sort of activity or meaningful employment and treated, in many respects, far worse than those convicted of a crime ­ as has been acknowledged by a former Chief Inspector of Prisons.

The New Labour government, however, in attempting to cohere the elements of these ad hoc arrangements into a special asylum prison regime linked to the politics of deterrence is attempting to establish something qualitatively different. And, once again, it is a system that bears the stamp of the EU, designed as it is to harmonise UK practices with those already existing on the European mainland where asylum seekers are imprisoned at different stages of the asylum process. It is a system characterised by centres to fast track the applications of new arrivals; special holding centres for interning problem applicants; discreet detention centres close to airports, where asylum seekers are held pending deportation. What has resulted, in all EU member states, is a separate prison complex for asylum seekers, underpinned by specific legal powers and instruments in a Europe-wide system of control and surveillance. The use of measures more germane to serious criminal investigation, such as the compulsory fingerprinting of all asylum seekers, has become routine, as has the complete disregard for civil liberties in the storage of personal data on asylum seekers on the Schengen Information System. This, the EU's largest computer database, can be accessed from 50,000 terminals across Europe. As around 90 per cent of the information stored on it concerns immigration rather than criminal cases, and as this database is considered to be at the heart of the EU's internal security system, it follows that the EU considers the movement of the world's 125 million displaced people the most important security issue it faces.

Asylum seekers: no prisoners, no prisoners' rights
By detaining vast numbers of asylum seekers, the UK government replicates on the domestic plane the EU's linkage of asylum with internal security. Little by little, step by step, it implements measures that target asylum seekers, enclosing them in a separate system of surveillance and control. But even as it creates what is, in effect, a separate police state for asylum seekers, the government denies that it is doing so. It still continues as a signatory to the UN Geneva Convention, despite the fact that Article 31 expressly states that asylum seekers should not be criminalised for entering a country illegally. The government gets around such unpalatable truths, however, with characteristic spin and subterfuge. It denies, for instance, that asylum seekers sent to Oakington House are being interned for the crime of illegal entry (the centre is merely to fast track manifestly unfounded claims); it denies that it operates a 'white list of safe countries' (yet nearly all those sent to Oakington for a quick passage back are eastern European, mostly Roma). Indeed, bizarrely, it seems not to accept that asylum seekers are being 'imprisoned' at all. Thus, when the Oakington detention centre was opened, the Home Office described it as a 'privately run reception facility'; not so much a prison as a hotel, depicting inmates (who are not allowed to leave or move between buildings unless escorted by security guards), not as prisoners but as 'guests'.

In fact, the UK government is right. These so-called guests are not prisoners under domestic UK law, for then a court would have had to detain them for a specific criminal offence. The unpalatable truth that must be camouflaged is that detained asylum seekers are internees - and internment is a wartime measure usually invoked against 'enemy aliens' (yet more proof that the New Labour government has gone to war with the displaced people of the world). Internees are separated from other prisoners in that they are usually committed to detention by 'emergency powers' such as those that obtained during the first and second world wars, under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (Northern Ireland), or during the 1991 Gulf war, when male Iraqi students were interned in British jails.

Xeno-racism
In Italy, with its experience of fascism, progressives within the criminal justice system have argued that the imprisonment of asylum seekers constitutes internment: the Italian Association of Democratic Magistrates, for instance, has denounced the creation of a 'special legal regime for foreigners' as a threat to democracy. But in the UK, a New Labour government which purports to be progressive seems to have little regard for democratic traditions, as well as scant historical awareness, remaining apparently oblivious to the direct link between the current onslaught against asylum seekers and the internment of Jewish refugees during the second world war. But then, this lack of historical and political recall is hardly surprising, given that the doublethink that characterises the government's approach to asylum. By its actions and policies, the government treats asylum seekers as though they were enemy aliens and a threat to national security; yet government ministers repeat the mantra that they welcome 'genuine refugees' (without expressly detailing just how). By its language, New Labour declares itself a government opposed to institutional racism, yet by its actions it embraces and mobilises xeno-racism. This kind of racism is not based on the old 'race' concept, but defines asylum seekers and migrants as inherently strange and dangerous people. It is xenophobia but it is not the 'fear' this word implies that is the main component, but the hatred that racism implies. The internment of asylum seekers, the third component of the politics of deterrence, legitimises the increasingly hysterical press climate against new arrivals.
What has finally set the seal on xeno-racism, legitimising even further its populist and inflammatory expression in the press, is the passing of the Terrorism Act 2001. This, the first permanent anti-terrorism law in 25 years, directly targets exile organisations. Even as Macpherson in his report into the death of Steven Lawrence (a young black man who was murdered, and whose case was not treated as it should by the police from the very start, because of the fact that he was black) warned of the danger of stereotyping black communities as criminal, the government gave legitimacy to a new set of stereotypes: asylum seekers are phonies and fraudsters; refugees are terrorists and the 'enemy within'.
What is happening today in the field of immigration and asylum policy, we are constantly told, has nothing to do with racism. How can we be racist, asks the Sun, when most asylum seekers are white?


2. DETENTION IN EASTERN EUROPE

2.1. DETENTION IN POLAND

In the first half of the 90s, refugees and migrants who were on their way to Europe rarely encountered problems inside Poland. Even a longer stay, mostly in the surroundings of Warsaw, was possible. There was no permanent danger of being controlled and imprisoned. At that time the biggest problem consisted in finding a way to cross the border from Poland to the West. This situation changed in 1996/97, when the border control was reinforced step by step. And at the same time the polish authorities began to imprison more and more refugees and migrants, who were obviously on their way to Western-European states and had intended to stay in Poland only for a short time.
Meanwhile the polish police and border guards have more than 25 deportation camps at their disposal, which are spread all over the country. Most of them are located in the main buildings of the police stations of every district. Apart from smaller institutions with 20 to 30 places there is another camp, called Lesznowola, close to the airport of Warsaw, which is run centrally by the polish border guards.
The so-called "guarded camp" Lesznowola is located about 60 km south of Warsaw, close to the city of Grójec. On the approximately two hectares large territory there are two former military barracks, which have been renovated recently and can host about 200 people at the moment. The entrance as well as the backside of the area, which is surrounded by a three meters high fence, are guarded permanently. The "guarded camp" is regarded as a softer form of detention of refugees. In reality this means, that also pregnant and nursing women as well as children who are accompanied by their parents are detained there. According to detainee's reports the authorities are very strict. Detainees, who are held in the same building, can move freely inside, but there is only one hour of yard exercises a day. This is a big problem, especially for parents with kids.
As in the Czech Republic, a lot of the refugees and migrants who are detained in polish detention camps, have been sent back by the German boarder control before. There are no statistics about this, but based on many conversations with refugees and officials we presume that especially those, who have been sent back from Germany for the second or third time, are imprisoned. According to the Polish border guards the number of people, who have been deported, has risen steadily from 1997 onwards and reached 7000 per year. Since 1998 more and more expulsions by plane to countries further away are observed.


2.2. DETENTION IN CZECH REPUBLIC

In the Czech Republic the first prison for deportees has been opened in November 1998. According to Czech officials these prisons have been opened because of immense pressure especially from Germany. The Czech Republic since 1997/98 is seen as one of the main transit countries for refugees on their way to Germany. Due to this pressure by the German government the first Czech prison for deportees was opened close to the German border. In the beginning this institution was planned exclusively for refugees, which had been sent back by the German border guards (BGS) before. In January 2000 a new foreigner law came into force. In this law the kind as well as the duration of imprisonment of deportees is laid down.
Imprisonment can be up to 180 days now. Moreover this new law also tightens the general conditions for staying in the country, which leads to severe problems for migrant workers form other Eastern European countries. This can be clearly seen from the fact, that also civilians from other Eastern European countries are increasingly often detained in these prisons.
In the first prison for deportees in the Czech Republic, in Balkova, a difference is made between open and closed detention. In the former the prisoners are allowed to move freely in the building during daytime. According to the direction of the prison women and/or families are accommodated there. In the latter up to four people are locked up in a cell for a minimum of 23 hours. Men who are travelling alone and have tried to cross the border secretly more than once are accommodated in closed detention. In Balkova there are no interpreters, no pastors, no lawyers. The prisoners have no possibility to phone anybody or to receive phone-calls. The hygienic conditions have been described as unacceptable by all former prisoners of Balkova. The prison officers are especially aggressive in their verbal behaviour and generally act in a despotic manner. Some prisoners even report, that they have been beaten. Several of the former prisoners report that there have been hunger strikes and attempts to commit suicide. Generally speaking one must conclude that the imprisonment of deportees in Poland and in the Czech Republic takes place closed to a critical public.


3. FIELDS OF ACTION

Priests and groups trying to give support to and look after the people in deportation camps normally work under very difficult circumstances when trying to meet the refugees' practical needs. Many deportation camps are not very accessible. Bureaucratic hindrances for the access of volunteers to the camps are high; the misery of the imprisoned refugees also weighs heavily on the supporters, whose possibilities to influence the situation are very limited. The commitment to improve the conditions demands a lot of energy from everybody who is involved. Sometimes there is no energy left to take political action against the basic structural evil, i.e. the imprisonment of deportees.


3.1. GLASMOOR-GROUP HAMBURG

The Glasmoor-group of the Council for Refugees (Flüchtingsrat) in Hamburg meets on a regular basis every Sunday to take a walk round the prison for refugees in Glasmoor. In October 2001 there was a peaceful revolt of 50 prisoners during one of these walks round the prison. The prisoners refused to return back to their cells after their regular yard exercises and demanded their freedom. The people outside prison who took part in the Sunday's walk supported the demands of the refugees inside the prison and informed the media about what was happening. After about two hours the prisoners went back to their cells voluntarily. The direction of the prison had reacted to this action in a de-escalating manner and renounced to activate jailers and police at a large scale. But the media took notice of the prisoner's demands. The action can be seen as a success.


3.2. GROUPS OF VOLUNTEER-VISITORS IN LEIPZIG

Another good example is a group who supports refugees in prisons for deportees in Leipzig. It exists since 1995 and has been officially recognised by the Saxonian ministry of justice. This enables the members of the group to apply for the status as an officially recognised volunteer, who is taking care of prisoners in the JVA Leipzig (i.e. the Leipzig place of detention). The visits for the prisoners take place once a week on Tuesdays and the conversations between volunteers and refugees are not supervised. Nevertheless the prisoners are controlled before and after the visits occasionally. The deportees inside the prison are informed of the possibility to receive visits from the volunteers through the social workers during the reception-procedure, by announcements in the prison and verbal propaganda. If they want to receive visits they need to apply to the so-called visitors service to be allowed to do so. Once a year the volunteer group needs to present a written report about their work to the direction of the JVA. Conversations with the direction take place several times every year.
The support-group has about ten members since 1995, but fluctuation is high, since many members of the group are students. Therefore it is difficult to work continually. The members of the group meet once a month. Up to now the group has not been able to promote or publish political discussions about contents in a large scale. This is also due to the difficult status of the volunteer-visitors. The possibilities to visit prisoners could be restricted or cancelled by the direction of the prison or the ministry of justice at any time.


4. WHAT YOU CAN DO

There are a lot of groups who take action against the imprisonment of refugees. Many of these groups meet regularly. Everybody who is interested in working on this issue is welcome to join one of the groups. Please feel free to add organisations to this list, and send your information to the UNITED secretariat. You can always find an updated list of addresses in the database on the UNITED web site www.unitedagainstracism.org.

Asylkoordination Österreich
Schottengasse 3a/1/59, A-1010 Wien,
phone +43-1-5321291, fax +43-1-5337752, asylkoordination@t0.or.at, www.asyl.at

Schubhaft Sozialdienst Wien
Alserbacgstr.5/17, A-1090 Wien, phone +43 -1 -3196815,
fax +43 -1 -3172892, schubhaft.sozialdienst@Eunet.at

Arge Schubhaft Innsbruck
Jahnstr. 37, A-6020 Innsbruck, phone +43-512 -581488,
fax +43-512-581488, arge.schubhaft@magnet.at

Collectif contre les Expulsions - Bruxelles
35 rue van Elewijck, B-1050 Bruxelles,
phone +32-2-6441711, fax +32-2-6485118,
ccle@altern.org, www.collectifs.net/ccle/appelnl.php3

Mouv. contre Racisme, Antisémitisme et Xénophobie
37 rue de la Poste , B-1210 Bruxelles, phone +32-2-2182371,
fax +32-2-2196959, mrax@linkline.be, www.mrax.com

Gruppe Augenauf Zürich, Postfach
CH-8026 Zürich, phone +41-1-2411177,
info@augenauf.ch, www.augenauf.ch

SOZE - Society of Citizens Assisting Migrants
Mostecká 16, CZ-61400 Brno, phone +420-5-45213643,
fax +420-5-45213746, sozes@mbox.vol.cz

Abschiebhaftgruppe Leipzig
c/o Flüchtlingsrat Leipzig , Sternwartenstr. 4, D- 04103 Leipzig,
phone +49-341 -9613872, fax +49-341 -9613872,
ashg-lpz@gmx.de, www.fluechtlingsrat-lpz.org/ashg

Antirassistische Initiative / ZAG
Yorckstrasse 59 HH, D-10965 Berlin, phone +49-30-7857281,
fax +49-30-7869984, ari@ipn.de, www.zag-berlin.de

Rhein-Main Aktionsbündnis gegen Abschiebung
c/o Dritte Welt Haus, Falkstr.74, D- 60487 Frankfurt/Main,
phone +49-6181-184892, fax +49-6181-184892,
AG3F@oln.comlink.apc.org, www.aktivgegenabschiebung.de


Initiative gegen Abschiebehaft Berlin
c/o KSG, Klopstockstr.31, D-10557 Berlin,
phone +49-30 -41700915,
GegenAbschiebehaft@web.de, www.berlinet/ari/ini

Forschungsgesellschaft Flucht + Migration
Gneisenaustr. 2a, D-10961 Berlin,
ffm@ipn.de, www.ffm-berlin.de

Glasmoorgruppe
c/o Flüchtlingsrat, Hein-Köllisch-Platz 12,
D-20359 Hamburg, phone +49-40-431587,
www.nadir.org/nadir/initiativ/sz/glasmoor.shtml

GrenzenLOS Bremen
Verdener Str.. 45, D-28205 Bremen, phone +49-421-442330

Kooperative Flüchtlingssolidarität Hannover
c/o Faust, Zur Bettfedernfabrik 3, D-30451 Hannover,
phone +49-511-447269

Büren-Gruppe Paderborn
c/o Gefangeneninit., Postfach 1611, D-33046 Paderborn,
phone +49-5251-690575, fax +49-5251-730337,
info@aha-bueren.de, www.aha-bueren.de

Hilfe für Menschen in Abschiebehaft Büren
Postfach 1451, D-33133 Büren,
phone +49-5251-690441, fax +49-5251-690442,
Info@hfmia.de, www.gegenabschiebehaft.de

AG Abschiebehaft des Flüchtlingsrats NRW
Postfach 1229, D-48233 Dülmen, phone +49-2594-98643,
fax +49-2594-98698, geschaeftssrelle@fluechtlingsrat.de

Pro Asyl - Bundesweite AG für Flüchtlinge e.V.
Postfach 160624, D-60069 Frankfurt am Main,
phone +49-69-230688, fax +49-69-230650,
proasyl@proasyl.de, www.proasyl.de

Antirassistische Gruppe für Freies Fluten
Metzgerstrasse 8, D-63450 Hanau,
phone +49-6181-184892, fax +49-6181-184892,
ag3f@oln.comlink.apc.org


AG für Menschen in Abschiebehaft Mannheim
Augustaanlage 53, D-68165 Mannheim,
phone +49-621-412556, fax +49-621-412556,
webmaster@abschiebehaft.de, www.abschiebehaft-ma.de

Münchener Flüchtlingsrat
Goethestr. 53, D-803336 München,
phone +49-89-12390096, fax +49-89-12392188,
hallo@muenchner-fluechtlingsrat.de, www.muenchner-fluechtlingsrat.de

Bayrischer Flüchtlingsrat
Valleystr. 42, D-81371 München,
phone +49-89-762234, bfr@ibn.de

Freie Flüchtlingsstadt Nürnberg
c/o Stadtteilzentrum DESI, Brückenstr. 23, D-90419 Nürnberg,
phone +49-911 -336943, fax +49-911 -336513

ANAFE - Association Nationale d'Assistance aux Frontières pour les Étrangers
c/o Cimade, 176 rue de Grenelle, F-75007 Paris,
phone +33-1-42086993, fax +33-1-42942608

CIMADE - Service Oecuménique d'Entraide
176 rue de Grenelle, F-75007 Paris,
phone +33-1-44186050, fax +33-1-45560859,
renseignements@cimade.org, www.cimade.org

REFLEX / Réseau No Pasaran!
21ter rue Voltaire, F-75011 Paris,
phone +33-1-43485495, fax +33-1-43721577,
reflex@ecn.org, www.ecn.org/nopasaran

Finnish Refugee Council - Suomen Pakolaisapu
Ludviginkatu 3-5B 42, FIN-00130 Helsinki,
phone +358-9-69626766, fax +358-9-644109,
finnref@pakolaisapu.fi, www.pakolaisapu.fi

Campaign to Close Campsfield
111 Magdalen Road, GB- Oxford OX4 1RQ,
phone +44-1865-558145, fax +44-1865-558145,
confagstimmdetn@aol.com, www.closecampsfield.org.uk

Association of Visitors to Immigration Detainees
c/o Bartlemas House - Cowley Rd,GB- Oxford OX4 2AJ, phone +44-1865-727795

Barbed Wire Britain Network Against Refugee and Migrant Detention
60 Great Clarendon Street, GB-Oxford OX1 2JJ, info@barbedwirebritain.org.uk,
www.barbedwirebritain.org.uk

Menedék - Hungarian Association for Migrants
Rákóczi út 80, H-1074 Budapest,
phone +36-1-34221502, fax +36-1-3444, menedek@menedek.hu, www.menedek.hu

HR Legal Counseling Office / Hungarian Helsinki Committee
József Krt. 34 - I/5, H-1085 Budapest,
phone +36-1-3344575, fax +36-1-3140885, helsinki@mail.datanet.hu, www.helsinki.hu

Centre for Defence of Human Rights / Found. Mulicult. Hungary
Lujza utca 14, H-1086 Budapest, phone +36-1-3037563,
fax +36-1-3037565, mejok@matavnet.hu

Associazione Ya Basta!
c/o Leoncavallo - via Watteau 7, I-20125 Milano,
phone +39-02-6705185, yabasta@tin.it

Autonoom Centrum
Bilderdijkstraat 165 f, NL-1053 KP Amsterdam,
phone +31-20-6126172, fax +31-20-6168967,
ac@xs4all.nl, www.xs4all.nl/~ac

Participating Refugees in Multicultural Europe
Stationsweg 62,NL-2515 BP Den Haag,
phone +31-70-3050415, fax +31-70-3803058,
prime1995@hotmail.com, www.prime1995.nl

Polish Helsinki Committee - Helsinska Fund. praw Czlowieka
ul. Bracka 18 m. 62, PL-00028 Warszawa,
phone +48-22-269650, fax +48-22-269875,
hfhr@hfhrpol.waw.pl


This leaflet was produced for UNITED by:
activists of ZAG / Anti-Rassistische Initiative (D)
Pro Asyl (D)
Forschungsgesellschaft Flucht und Migration (D)
Institute of Race Relations (GB)
We thank them very much for their contributions!


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UNITED for Intercultural Action
European network against nationalism, racism, fascism
and in support of migrants and refugees
Postbus 413, NL-1000 AK Amsterdam, Netherlands
phone +31-20-6834778, fax +31-20-6834582
info@unitedagainstracism.org, www.unitedagainstracism.org